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61.
在中国经济史课程中,屯垦经济史一直是作为农业经济的一个组成部分而占有较小的份量。作为有着屯垦戍边传统地区的高校,尤其需要在中国屯垦经济史教学和研究领域加大力度,特别是建立独立的中国屯垦经济史课程进行教学,这不仅可以使学生了解在两千年来的西北边疆屯垦和戍边史上屯垦经济所发挥的重要作用,而且可以进一步加深其对在国家战略西向中兵团经济发展所具有的重要意义的理解,并且,在课程建设和完善的基础上,逐步突出该课程的地域特色和学习价值,并进一步将其建设成国家的精品课程。  相似文献   
62.
伴随着经济学的发展,经济分析方法于上世纪被引入法学领域,形成法经济学。经过半个世纪的努力,经济分析方法已经出现在众多部门法学研究中。军事法作为一门独立的部门法学并不排斥经济分析方法,用经济分析方法研究军事法具有重要意义。  相似文献   
63.
ABSTRACT

This article examines efforts made by the Movement for Democratic Change Alliance to bring about regime change through nonviolent economic warfare including its subsequent failure. The 30 July 2018 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe led to a victory by Emmerson Mnangagwa but it was disputed by Nelson Chamisa. Since August 2018, the political opposition led by Chamisa sought to make the country ungovernable by waging a nonviolent economic war nicknamed Kuzvidira jecha (pouring sand) against the Mnangagwa administration. This was punctuated by price hikes, fluctuation of the local currency, artificial food stuff price hikes and fuel shortages which caused serious challenges for most Zimbabweans. This was primarily intended to bring about regime change via public unrest against the Mnangagwa regime. On the contrary, the anticipated public uproar failed to foster regime change in Zimbabwe despite widespread adverse socio-economic effects. This led to the nonviolent participants resorting to violent tactics instead of adhering to nonviolence. Consequently, it was the failure to adhere to nonviolent principles by opposition advocates which forced the Mnangagwa regime to deploy its own instruments of violence in an effort to protect lives and property.  相似文献   
64.
由于土壤源、湖水源热泵的应用受到地理条件、初投资等因素的制约,某些地区更适宜采用土壤源-湖水源的混合式热泵系统。以某工程应用为例,分别从性能系数、初投资及运行费用3个方面分析证明了采用混合式热泵系统的可行性。结果表明,混合式热泵系统的初投资虽然较大,但通过节约运行费用,在较短年限内可收回增加的成本,并且可以减少废水废气的排放。因此,在合适的地区可以推广使用土壤源-湖水源的混合式热泵系统。  相似文献   
65.
There is some consensus in the literature that economic sanctions targeting authoritarian regimes are less effective than those against democratic regimes. This line of research, however, assumes that autocratic regimes are monolithic and that they have similar capacities to resist foreign pressure. This study argues that the success rate of sanctions against dictatorships is contingent on institutional differences across different types of autocracies. I develop a theoretical model indicating that single-party and military regimes are less likely to concede to foreign pressure compared to democracies. This is because they effectively use various repressive tactics and positive inducements to endure the costs of the coercion. Sanctions against personalist regimes, on the other hand, are likely to be as effective as sanctions directed at democracies. Personalist regimes might be inclined to acquiesce to foreign pressure due to their lack of strong institutional capacity to weather the costs of the sanctions. Results from the selection-corrected models show that sanctions against military or single-party regimes are less likely to induce concessions relative to democratic target regimes. The findings also indicate that there is no significant difference in the success rate of sanctions against personalist regimes and democratic governments.  相似文献   
66.
ABSTRACT

Is Currency Warfare defined as, the use of monetary or military force directed against an enemy’s monetary power as part of a military campaign, a just way to fight a war? This article explores the ethics of waging currency warfare against the Just War Tradition’s principles of jus in bello (just conduct in war) and its criteria of discrimination and proportionality. The central argument is that currency warfare is inherently indiscriminate but may be proportionate when policy makers consider the nature of the threat confronted and the targeted currency's level of internationalization, that is, to what degree it is used in foreign transactions or used as a foreign currency reserve. I evaluate this argument against historical cases during the Second World War (1939–1945), the Gulf War (1990–1991), subsequent operations against Saddam Hussein in the early 1990s, and the ongoing campaign against ISIS.  相似文献   
67.
中国特色经济法是改革开放的产物,有力地促进了社会主义市场经济的健康、快速发展。经济法在保证经济实现科学发展的同时,自身也突破了对调整能力的传统认识,区分了经济法与行政法,明确了经济法的正确定位,创新了经济法的发展观,提出了“经济法主体”概念,冲破了公法与私法的界限,形成了与相关学科协调发展的经济法学研究格局。今后,经济法的发展必须重视从完善社会主义市场经济基本制度,健全现代市场体系,规范政府科学干预经济生活,宏观调控的重点、热点、难点问题和基础理论研究的创新上把握研究重点,保证经济实现科学发展。  相似文献   
68.
笔者从健全完善公安边防部队干部管理机制和推进部队建设稳步健康发展出发 ,针对当前领导干部经济责任审计评价不够规范科学的实际 ,阐述了建立公安边防部队领导干部经济责任审计评价体系的必要性 ,并提出了建立这一审计评价体系的初步构想和相关保障问题 ,对深化公安边防部队领导干部经济责任审计有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
69.
This article examines the impact of youth bulges and the lack of perspective of this cohort associated with the insufficient absorption of the labor market on the emergence of piracy acts. For a large panel data-set on maritime piracy and armed robbery against ships for the period 1990–2015 negative binomial regression results indicate that a large fraction of young people in a country increases the likelihood of piracy attacks originating from that country. Further, the piracy-driving effect is conditional on constrains in the labor market. It increases when the young population is insufficiently integrated into the labor market and becomes insignificant for high levels of labor force participation. The dearth of prospects seems to lower the inhibition to make a living from criminal activity.  相似文献   
70.
农村经济结构调整是一系列因素共同作用的结果 ,引致这种调整的动力机制包括政策导向动力机制、市场需求动力机制、科技发展动力机制和国际竞争动力机制。这四大动力机制共同作用 ,使农村经济结构的调整朝着符合国内外需求、优质高效的目标发展。  相似文献   
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